በ40/60 የቤቶች ፕሮግራም ሰባት ሺሕ ተመዝጋቢዎች ውል አቋረጡ 8,329 ተመዝጋቢዎች ደግሞ ሙሉ በሙሉ ክፍያ ፈጽመዋል

-ከስምንት ሺሕ በላይ የሚሆኑት ሙሉ ክፍያ ፈጽመዋል

f8bd7df8c99fb4c0f0b9d1a186d3146e_Lየመኖሪያ ቤት ችግርን ለመቅፈር ይፋ ከተደረጉት አራት ፕሮግራሞች አንዱ በሆነው 40/60 ከተመዘገቡ 165 ሺሕ ተመዝጋቢዎች ውስጥ ሰባት ሺሕ ያህሉ ውላቸውን ሲያቋርጡ፣ 8,329 ተመዝጋቢዎች ደግሞ ሙሉ በሙሉ ክፍያ ፈጽመው ቤታቸውን ለመረከብ በመጠባበቅ ላይ መሆናቸው ታውቋል፡፡

ሙሉ ክፍያ ከፈጸሙት ተመዝጋቢዎች በተጨማሪ 20,973 የሚሆኑት 40 በመቶና ከ40 በመቶ በላይ መቆጠባቸው ታውቋል፡፡ በተያዘው በጀት ዓመት መጨረሻ ለተጠቃሚዎች ይተላለፋሉ ተብለው የሚጠበቁት 1,992 የ40/60 ፕሮግራም ቤቶች ሙሉ በሙሉ ለከፍሉ ተጠቃሚዎች፣ በተለይም ምዝገባ በተጀመረበት ወቅት ሙሉ ክፍያ ለፈጸሙት ቅድሚያ እንደሚሰጥ ተገልጿል፡፡

የአዲስ አበባ ቁጠባ ቤቶች ልማት ኢንተርፕራይዝ ዋና ሥራ አስኪያጅ አቶ ክንዴ ብዙነህ ባለፈው ዓርብ በሰጡት ጋዜጣዊ መግለጫ፣ ዕጣ የሚወጣላቸው ተመዝጋቢዎች በከፈሉት መጠን ቅደም ተከተል ነው ካሉ በኋላ ለተጠቃሚዎች የሚተላለፉት ቤቶች ላይ የዋጋ ጭማሪ ይኖራል ብለዋል፡፡ ይደረጋል የተባለው ጭማሪ ግን እየተሰላ በመሆኑ በቅርቡ ይፋ እንደሚደረግ አስታውቀዋል፡፡ በዕጣ ለተጠቃሚዎች በሚተለለፉት ቤቶች ሴቶችና የመንግሥት ሠራተኞች ልዩ ተጠቃሚ ይሆናሉ ወይስ አይሆኑም የሚለው እየታየ መሆኑን አስረድተዋል፡፡

በመጪው ሰኔ ወር ለተጠቃሚዎች ይተላለፋሉ ተብለው የሚጠበቁት ቤቶች በሠንጋ ተራና ቃሊቲ በሚገኘው በክራውን ሆቴል አካባቢ የተገነቡ ናቸው፡፡ ክራውን ሆቴል አካባቢ የተገነቡት 14 ብሎኮች በጠቅላላው 882 ቤቶች ሲኖሩዋቸው፣ በሠንጋ ተራ የተገነቡት አምስት ብሎኮች ደግሞ 340 ቤቶች አሉዋቸው፡፡ እነዚህ ግንባታዎች በአሁኑ ወቅት በመጠናቀቅ ላይ ሲሆኑ፣ የሚቀራቸው የማጠናቀቂያ (ፊኒሺንግ) እና የመሠረተ ልማት ግንባታ ብቻ ነው፡፡

የቤቶቹ ከፍታ ባለ ዘጠኝና ባለ 12 ፎቅ ነው፡፡ እነዚህ 1,992 ቤቶች እኩል ባለአንድ፣ ባለሁለትና ባለሦስት መኝታ ክፍሎችን ያካተቱ መሆናቸውን የአዲስ አበባ ቁጠባ ቤቶች ልማት ኢንተርፕራይዝ የቅርንጫፍ አንድ ኃላፊ አቶ ደሳለኝ ታዬ ገልጸዋል፡፡ ኢንተርፕራይዙ በቅርቡ ለተጠቃሚዎች ከሚተላለፉት ከእነዚህ ቤቶች በተጨማሪ ቦሌ፣ አያትና በመሳሰሉ አካባቢዎች 14,300 ቤቶችን በመገንባት ላይ ይገኛል፡፡

አቶ ክንዴ እንደገለጹት በቤቶቹ ግንባታ 100 ኮንትራክተሮች፣ አሥር አማካሪ ድርጅቶች፣ 200 ጥቃቅንና አነስተኛ ድርጅቶች ተሳታፊ ናቸው፡፡ ኢንተርፕራይዙ ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ ግንባታ የማካሄድ አቅሙ እያደገ ቢመጣም፣ መንግሥት በፍጥነት የመኖሪያ ቤቶችን ችግር ለመፍታት የውጭ አገር ኩባንያዎችን ለማስገባት ፍላጎት ያሳዩ ኩባንያዎችን እያለየ ነው፡፡

‹‹በውጭ ኩባንያዎቹ ለሚካሄዱት ግንባታዎች ቦታ መረጣ ተጀምሯል፤›› ያሉት አቶ ክንዴ፣ የውጭ ኩባንያዎችን ለማስገባት መንግሥት እያካሄደ ያለው ሥራ ያለበትን ደረጃ ገልጸዋል፡፡

እየተካሄደ ያለው የ40/60 ቤቶች ፕሮጀክት ግንባታ እስካሁን 3.7 ቢሊዮን ብር የወጣበት ሲሆን፣ በሰኔ ወር የሚተላለፉት ቤቶች ከዚህ ውስጥ ምን ያህል ድርሻ እንዳላቸው አልተገለጸም፡፡ አቶ ክንዴ ለ1,992 ቤቶች የወጣው ወጪ እየተሰላ መሆኑን ገልጸው፣ ቤቶቹ ለተጠቃሚዎች ሲተላለፉ የሚኖረው ጭማሪ በሚገለጽበት ወቅት አብሮ ይፋ ይደረጋል ብለዋል፡፡

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Eritrean teen migrant forced to witness Libya massacre – ‘I watched IS beheading Christians’

IBTimes UK talks to Nael Goitom, who escaped IS in Libya after a month in captivity.

ኢትዮጵያውያኑ እና ኤርትራውያኑ በአይ ኤስ በግፍ ሲቀሉ በግድ እንዲያይ የተደረገው ታዳጊ ይናገራል

(ኤፍ.ቢ.ሲ) የ16 ዓመቱ ኤርትራዊ ስደተኛ ናኤል ጎይቶም የኤይ ኤስ ታጣቂዎች ኢትዮጵያውያኑን እና ኤርትራውያኑን በግፍ ሲቀሉ እና ሲረሸኑ እንዲመለከት መደረጉን ይናገራል።

ታዳጊው ኢንተርናሽናል ቢዝነስ ታይምስ ከተሰኘው ጋዜጣ ጋር ባደረገው ቃለምልልስ እንደተናገረው፥ ታጣቂው የአይ ኤስ ቡድን ይህን አሰቃቂ ድርጊት አስገድዶ እንዲመለከት አድርጎታል።

ይህ አሰቃቂ ድርጊት ከተከናወነ ከጥቂት ቀናት በኋላ ከሌሎች አራት ኤርትራውያን ጋር በሊቢያ ታስረውበት ከነበረው ካምፕ ማምለጣቸውንም ተናግሯል።

1618666_10155406476840123_3415239816813410930_n

በእዚህ አረመኔ ቡድን ከመቀላት ለማመለጥ መሞከር አዋጭ መሆኑን የተናገረው ናኤል፥ ከቡድኑ ካምፕ ካመለጡ በኋላ እርዳታ የሚያገኙበት ስፍራ እስኪደርሱ ድረስ ለአራት ቀናት ያህል በሊቢያ በረሃ ውስጥ መጓዛቸውን ይተርካል።

ከአንድ ወር ለሚበልጥ ጊዜ በፅንፈኛው አይ ኤስ ቁጥጥር ስር በነበሩበት ወቅትም “ከመሞት እና እስልምናን ከመቀበል የቱን ትመርጣላችሁ”? የሚል ምርጫ እንደተቀመጠላቸው እና በወቅቱ ሙስሊም መሆንን እንደሚመርጡ እና እንዋጋላችኋለን ሲሉ መናገራቸውንም ያስታውሳል ታዳጊው።

ናኤል ኢትዮጵያውያኑ እና ኤርትራውያኑ በአይ ኤሴስ ከተያዙ በኋላ በአንድ ትልቅ ጉድጓድ መቀመጣቸውንም ተናግሯል ።

ከእለታት በአንዱ ቀንም 47 ያህል ኢትዮጵያውያንን እና ኤርትራውያንን ጥቋቁር እና ብርቱካናማ ልብሶችን አልብሰው ወደ ሜዲትራኒያን ባህር ዳርቻ እንዲሁም ሊቢያ በረሃ እንደወሰዷቸው እና እሱም ይህን ይመለከት ዘንድ አብሯቸው እንደወሰዱት ከዚያም ይህን ጭካኔ የተመላበት ድርጊት እንዲመለከት መደረጉንም ይናገራል።

ታዳጊው በአይ ኤስ እንዴት ተያዘ?

ናኤል እንዴት በፅንፈኛው የአይ ኤስ እጅ እንደተያዘም ያብራራ ሲሆን፥ 10 ኤርትራውያን ሴቶችን እና 8 ኢትዮጵያውያንን ጨምሮ 61 ከሚሆኑ ስደተኞች ጋር ከአንድ ወር በፊት በሱዳን አድርግው ደቡብ ሊቢያን ሲያቋርጡ በአይ ኤስ ታጣቂዎች መያዛቸውን እና ሀይማኖት ነክ ጥያቄዎች መጠየቃቸውን ያስታውሳል።

ከመካከላችሁ ማን ነው ሙስሊም? ብለው እንደጠየቋቸው ነገር ግን ክርስቲያን የሆንነው መስቀል እና ክርስቲያን መሆናችንን የሚያሳዩ መንፈሳዊ ምስሎችን በመያዛችን በወቅቱ ማንነታቸንን መደበቅ አላስቻለንም ብሏል።

በአይ ኤስ ካምፕ ውስጥ ከ300 እስከ 400 የሚሆኑ የፅንፈኛው ቡድን አባላት የሚገኙ ሲሆን፥ ኢትዮጵያዊያን እና ኤርትራዊያን ተይዘው በካምፑ ውስጥ እንዲገቡ ሲደረግ፣ ሶማሊያውያን ግን መሄድ ወደፈለጉበት እንዲጓዙ ይፈቀድላቸው እንደነበር ይተርካል።

ናኤል ኤይ ኤስን አስቀድመው የተቀላቀሉ እና ለሽብር ቡድኑ የሚዋጉ ሶስት ኤርትራውያን የነበሩ ሲሆን፥ እነሱ ይረዱናል ብለን ስንጠብ ግን ስለኛ ምንም ስሜት አልተሰማቸውም ሲል ታሪኩን ያወጋል።

ናኤልን ጨምሮ ዮሃንስ መብራቱ፣ ቶማስ ገብረህይወት፣ አብርሃም ናይዝጊ፣ አማን ሺሻይ የተሰኙ ታዳጊ ኤርትራውያንም ከአይ ኤስ ካመለጡ እና ከአራት ቀናት አድካሚ የበረሃ ጉዞ በኋላ አንድ ሱዳናዊ አግኝቷቸው በሰሃራ በረሃ በርካታ ስደተኞች ወደሚገኙበት የስደተኞች መጠለያ እንዳደረሳቸው ገልጿል።

ታዳጊው ህይወቱን ማትረፍ ቢችልም ባየው እና በደረሰበት መከራ እና እንግልት ሳቢያ ውስጡ መጎዳቱን ነው የተናገረው።

አይ ኤስ ከ30 ደቂቃ በማያንስ የተንቀሳቃሽ ምስል (ቪዲዮ) በአለም ዙሪያ ባሰራጨው መልዕክቱ 30 ኢትዮጵያዊያን እና ኤርትራዊያን ንፁሃን ዜጎችን ገሚሱን በሜዲትራኒያን ባህር ዳርቻ ሲቀላ፥ ገሚሱን ደግሞ በሊቢያ በረሃ በጥይት በመተኮስ ሲገድል ማሳየቱ ይታወሳል።

A 16-year-old Eritrean migrant who escaped captivity under the Islamic State (Isis) in Libya has exclusively told IBTimes UK that the jihadists forced him to watch the beheading and shooting of Eritrean and Ethiopian Christians.

Nael Goitom fled IS captivity along with four other Eritreans minors on 7 April after the extremists decided to move their Libyan camp in the desert to get away from fighting in the area.

“We thought: it’s better to try to escape than to wait to be slaughtered by them,” he told IBTimes UK in an interview. They walked for four days before reaching a settled area and asking for help.

Under more than a month of IS captivity, the Christian boys were forced to learn the Koran to become “Cubs of the Caliphate”. “They asked us ‘what do you choose, to be killed or to become Muslims?’ Of course we choose the latter. ‘We’ll fight for you’, we said,” Nael said.

But the most harrowing account regards the execution of dozens of Ethiopian and Eritrean Christians in Libya by IS militants, which was shown in a 30-minute video featuring extensive rants against Christianity and the West.

The final part of the clip shows a group of men dressed in black who are said to be hostages in southern Libya held by a group of IS fighters clutching machine guns.

Then, the prisoners are shot in the back of the head. The video also depicts masked militants escorting a group of men in orange jumpsuits along a beach. The men’s severed heads are later shown in the sand.

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‘We were forced to watch IS cutting heads’

“They made me watch everything,” Nael said. “After the kidnapping they put us in one big hole, Eritreans and Ethiopians.”

“Then one day they came over and brought black clothes and asked 47 people to wear them. Then, they took them to the sea. They also carried 10 minors, I was among them. I saw when IS shot them dead. We kept screaming,” he continued.

The jihadists reportedly did the same with the rest of the group – about 14 people – who were forced to wear orange jumpsuits. “We were forced to watch IS cut their heads,” Nael said.

The boy was kidnapped on 3 March after he crossed Libya from Sudan along with other 61 Eritrean men, 10 Eritrean women and 8 Ethiopians. About 20 or 30 armed IS members stopped the Tripoli-bound caravan of migrants in the middle of the southern Libyan desert and they started asking religious questions.

“They wanted to know who was Muslim among us. We Christians had crosses and pictures of Jesus, so we really couldn’t hide it,” he said.

‘I keep seeing people being slaughtered and shot one by one’

Christians they will not be safe unless they embrace Islam or pay protection money

Somalians were allowed to continue, while Eritreans and Ethiopians were driven to the IS camp in the desert. There were about 300-400 members of the jihadist group in the camp and for days the prisoners, who were tied and held in a large hole, were told that “the boss will come and decided our destiny”.

Nael recognized three Eritreans fighting for IS. “We hoped they were going to help us, but instead they showed no emotions,” he said.

After his escape, Nael and four other minors – Yohannes Mebrahtu, Thomas Ghiwet, Abraham Naizghi and Aman Shishay – walked for four days before running into a Sudanese man who drove them towards the Sahara where most of the refugees gather. Then, a smuggler got them into Tripoli, where Nael’s brother lives.

Despite the lucky escape, Nael is still traumatized by the ordeal.

“I’m starting to process it now. Until a few days ago it was just a matter of survival. Now I have a lot of nightmares, I keep seeing people being slaughtered and shot one by one,” he said.

Ethiopians shocked by ISIS armed group murders

In Ethiopia people are reacting via social media, shocked at the news that their fellow countrymen were brutally murdered by the Islamic State (Isis) armed group, which released a video showing the beheading of 15 Abesha people, or those from Ethiopia and Eritrea, on a beach and the shooting of some 15 people on scrubland in Libya.

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“What can I say? It’s so touchy. Most of us Ethiopians are very sad over hearing what the evil groups are doing. It happened before to our brothers in Egypt,” Dejen Aserat, a resident of Addis Ababa told RFI, referring to the 21 Coptic Christians killed by Isis in Libya in February.

The British Coptic community sent their condolences in a statement, calling these murders “appalling and senseless”.

Ethiopia Islamic State Killings-1

“Having seen the courageous response of the families of the Coptic martyrs in Libya, we pray similar strength, courage and peace for all those suffering as a result of this brutal act,” said Bishop Angaelos, General Bishop of the Coptic Orthodox Church in the United Kingdom.

The Abseha men are shown on the video with the subtitle “worshippers of the cross belonging to the hostile Ethiopian church”.

“You know, as a human being, we didn’t believe that religion will be expanded through killing. Most Ethiopians are really very sad hearing this thing and we will pray that God will put their souls in heaven,” said Aserat.

The video was posted on Sunday and condemned by the US government.

Associated Press reached Ethiopian government spokesperson Redwan Hussein on Sunday. He initially said that the government couldn’t confirm that those killed in the video were actually Ethiopian.

Ethiopians on twitter reacted angrily, giving the names and photos of two men in the IS video who allegedly come from the Cherkos area of the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.

One blogger who did not want to be identified told RFI that eight others were Ethiopian-born Eritreans.

RFI spoke to Geneva-based Father Mussie Zerai, an Eritrean Catholic priest from Agencia Habeshia who helps migrants trying to cross the Mediterranean. He saw the video and says the men who died were en route to what they hoped would be a better life.

“I am sure these people are new arrivals to Libya to try and reach Europe … Really, this is a big tragedy for them, for the families,” he says. “This is a really dangerous situation for many others, refugees, who try to cross Libya to reach Europe.”

Father Zerai says that Ethiopians and Eritreans are a prime target in Libya because the most of them are Christian.

“Christian people, especially from Eritrea and Ethiopia, are discriminated against in Libya because of the religion issue. It’s not the first time, it’s not new — discrimination or bad treatment, all these things. But it’s the first time they are targeted in this way. They are killed by Isis because they are Christian. This is the first time.”

The government needs to state if Ethiopia will fight in Libya after this atrocity, says Daniel Berhane, the editor of the Horn Affairs media outlet in Addis Ababa.

“It’s really appalling, it’s shocked many Ethiopians,” he said. “But I hope our government will not be dragged into a war there but we’ll have to wait for what they will say.”

The Ethiopian government released an official statement on Monday afternoon, 24 hours after the video was released, saying that those killed in the video were Ethiopian nationals and that it is working to identify the dead.

The government said it will observe three days of national mourning starting on Tuesday, with flags lowered to half-mast to mourn “atrocities committed against our nationals in Libya and South Africa” – a reference to Ethiopians who were recently targeted in the anti-immigrant violence in South African townships.

Meanwhile, Father Zerai is waiting for the 50 migrants who survived the latest Meditarranean shipwreck to be brought to the Italian mainland.

He’ll be on his way to Italy Monday evening to speak with those people to find out exactly how many migrants were on board and to give spiritual assistance to those who saw their deckmates die in front of them.

By Laura Angela Bagnetto

Africa’s Next Hegemon

Behind Ethiopia’s Power Plays

By Harry Verhoeven

Verhoeven_AfricasNewHegemon_1Construction workers in a section of Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam, March 31, 2015. (Tiksa Negeri / Reuters)

In 1991, as the Cold War drew to an end, the only African country that had never been colonized by European imperialists was but a pale reflection of the Great Ethiopia that generations of the kingdom’s monarchs had pursued. A million people lay dead following two decades of civil war. Secessionist movements in the provinces clamored for self-determination. The economy was in tatters, and another catastrophic famine loomed. The world came to associate Ethiopia with images hoards of starving children, and the country’s regional and domestic decline opened questions about its very survival.

Nationalist historians trace the Ethiopian state’s roots to the second millennium BCE. With the story of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba as one of its founding myths, Ethiopia’s history has between entwined with the development of the Abrahamic faiths: the Jewish presence in the Ethiopian Highlands predates the destruction of the Temple; Ethiopian Orthodox Christians claim that the Ark of the Covenant is located in Axum; and the first Muslim hijra, or flight from Mecca to escape religious persecution, was to Ethiopia. Mystical ancestry and military greatness provided legitimacy to Ethiopia’s rulers for centuries as they controlled their formidably diverse empire through a policy of violent internal assimilation and external expansion.

But ideas of that greatness lay shattered as rebel soldiers from the countryside marched on Addis Ababa in May 1991 and overthrew the (formerly Soviet sponsored) dictatorship of Mengistu Haile Mariam. The leftist liberation movement promised a constitution that would give self-determination to Ethiopia’s ninety-plus nations and nationalities and address the political-economic inequities that had torn the country apart, but observers were sceptical about the ability of the Horn of Africa’s once mightiest empire to reconstitute itself. When the northeastern territory of Eritrea voted for and got independence in 1993, it not only cut Ethiopia off from the sea, but also risked triggering cascading claims for self-rule.

A quarter-century on, though, the mood in Addis Ababa could not be more changed. Between 2001 and 2012–13, Ethiopia’s economy grew more than seven percent per year on average. It was the only African country to move at a pace comparable to the East Asian tigers—and to do so without a hydrocarbons boom or a huge mining sector. The economic miracle resulted in real pro-poor growth, lifting millions of people out of the vicious cycle of poverty, hunger, and poor health. While the country’s population soared from roughly 40 million in the 1980s to nearly 100 million today, it achieved the 2000–15 Millennium Development Goals for child mortality and is likely to also meet them for combating HIV/AIDS and rolling back malaria. Ethiopia is also making giant strides tackling income volatility and illiteracy. And, with sequential bumper harvests of Ethiopia’s staple crop, tef (a cereal similar to millet), millions of smallholder farmers might well be able to escape the productivity traps that historically have kept them in abject poverty.

Ethiopia’s economic resurgence has underwritten an ambitious state-building project by the governing Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) that differs resoundingly from Washington Consensus recipes of electoral democracy and laissez-faire economics. Ethiopia has become the prime example of what my colleagues and I have termed “Africa’s illiberal state-builders.” In the aftermath of two decades of war, the EPRDF established a durable political order that seeks autonomy from internal and external threats, builds functional institutions, and establishes hegemonic control over the political economy. The economy’s commanding heights are in the hands of state-owned enterprises and business elites closely wedded to the EPRDF project. In the last parliamentary election, the EPRDF and its allies won all but two of 547 available seats. The party is emphatically statist when it comes to development, and it relies on a relatively narrow social base, but its organization is extraordinary in political and coercive terms. The latter is derived from decades of armed struggle and close cooperation with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which advised the EPRDF in its drive to recruit five million new members between 2005 and 2010 and has developed deep party-to-party ties. There is no state in Africa where talk of a “China Model” sounds more substantive than in Ethiopia under EPRDF rule.

With its domestic authority seemingly firmly consolidated, a decade ago, the Ethiopian government re-embraced huge regional ambitions under Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who governed Ethiopia from 1991 until his death in 2012. Central to this is a vision of a Great Ethiopia “finally” fulfilling its historical destiny by casting off the shackles of poverty to lead Africa: domestic and regional ambitions were always closely entwined in the mind of the premier. On the one hand, Meles understood that forging alliances and acquiring international legitimacy would boost the Ethiopian economy and consolidate ERPDF rule. On the other hand, he saw a domestically secure Ethiopia as uniquely capable of ridding Africa of the epithet “the hopeless continent.”

To fulfil his ambitions, the prime minister developed excellent relations with a wide variety of partners, guided by the belief that depending too closely on one set of friends would expose Ethiopia to their whims. And so Meles struck up personal friendships with Tony Blair and Bill Clinton, Bill Gates and Joseph Stiglitz. He also went on trips to study the South Korean economic miracle, and debated the economics of big infrastructure with Hu Jintao. He played the role of spokesman of the developing world with equal verve, representing Africa at the G–20 and climate change summits, where he denounced the inequities of the global political economy and the marginalization of his continent. And as the EPRDF developed its institutional ties with the CCP, Meles saw no contradiction with Addis Ababa fulfilling the role of Washington’s regional “deputy sheriff” in the Global War on Terror. Ethiopian diplomats, generals, and spooks have been crucial U.S. allies in the Horn of Africa, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden. With U.S. officials fretting over the stability of old allies in Egypt, Kenya, and Saudi Arabia, Ethiopia’s reliability and effectiveness in the war on terror is seen as vital.

Meles, his successor Hailemariam Desalegn, and the party’s powerful politburo cast their vision of a Great Ethiopia in terms of benign regional hegemony: What is good for Ethiopia is good for the Horn of Africa. And so, growing Ethiopian clout is increasingly projected through the regional organizations that Addis Ababa dominates. Its immediate security agenda for the region focuses on conflict prevention (it deployed thousands of Ethiopian UN peacekeepers to the Abyei border region between Sudan and South Sudan), conflict management (hosting mediation efforts for the South Sudanese civil war), and combating terrorism (continual military action against Somalia’s Al-Shabab). Its longer-term strategy revolves around regional integration through energy and water infrastructure. The plan is to tie the region to Ethiopia by exporting thousands of megawatts of electricity generated by dams on the Blue Nile and Ethiopian rivers.

This is a financially lucrative proposition for Ethiopia and its energy-hungry neighbors, but above all, it would shift the regional balance of power away from Nairobi, Khartoum, and Cairo to Addis Ababa. The construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) in particular is an audacious bid to reset power relations in the Nile Basin, with one mega-project. The dam is Africa’s biggest infrastructural project; because of the sheer volume of its reservoir, GERD will be singularly able to undermine the hydropolitical status-quo that for decades gave Egypt such disproportionate weight in regional politics. The EPRDF vision for regional integration is thus one of economic interdependence, but very much on Ethiopia’s terms. The relative gains of Ethiopia’s dam program are as important as the absolute gains stressed in technocratic language of “benefit sharing.”

Verhoeven_AfricasNewHegemon_4_0Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi is welcomed by Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn at the Bole International Airport in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, March 23, 2015. (Tiksa Negeri / Reuters)

Take, for example, the heavily publicized “Nile Deal” of March 2015 between Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan: the “Declaration of Principles” includes an embryonic mechanism for dealing with water disputes and the recognition that downstream countries such as Ethiopia have the right to prioritize electricity generation. It is therefore a de facto admission by Cairo’s General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi that Ethiopia, and not Egypt, is now the most influential state on the Nile. In other words, Ethiopia’s vision of regional integration under emerging Ethiopian hegemony is increasingly becoming a reality. African and Arab states alike (and Egypt in particular) are fast recognizing that it is better to improve relations with Addis Ababa now, than try to postpone it and be forced into cooperation in five years’ time with an even stronger Ethiopia.

Ethiopia’s emergence as a regional hegemon is, of course, not inevitable. World Bank economists, ambassadors, and NGOs fret over the stability of the country’s financial system, the enduring poverty in rural areas, and the discontent of millions of citizens who lack civil liberties. Internationally, Ethiopia has contained conflict in South Sudan and Somalia but has not been successful at resolving it—historical grievances against Addis Ababa run deep in the region and this limits its capacity to act as a neutral broker. Moreover, “no war, no peace” relations with Eritrea remain the Ethiopian security establishment’s obsession, with the hawks offering little beyond continued containment of what they call Africa’s “rogue regime.” Ethiopia needs Eritrea’s ports to further boost its economic transformation, yet Addis Ababa has no credible plan to either deal with a predicted collapse of Eritrea (and the giant refugee flows this would generate) or to spur reform from within.

Ethiopia has come a long way since the dark days of a quarter-century ago. Its resurgence, domestically and internationally, is unmistakable. Never have so many Ethiopians had so much reason to be optimistic and confident about the future. The Ethiopian vision of a Nile Basin where resources no longer lead to zero-sum competition and violent (proxy) wars, but rather to joint strategies to tackle poverty, unemployment, and climate change deserves wide-ranging support. Simultaneously, however, Ethiopia’s rulers know that they will face a long, uphill struggle to persuade their neighbours of their good intentions: In a region where interdependence has historically been considered a political liability as opposed to an economic opportunity, Ethiopia’s strategy generates plenty of blowback. How successful the country will prove in its mission will determine the sustainability of its own resurgence and the future of the Horn of Africa.

source: http://www.foreignaffairs.com

Ethiopian Airlines among the top 10 most dependable airlines in the world

ethiopian6th

Ethiopian Airlines, Africa’s largest and most profitable airline, has been ranked as the 6th most dependable airlines in the world according to CBS news. With a fleet size of 76 aircraft and more than 100 destinations , 81 of them internationally, Ethiopia’s flag carrier has an on-time record of 71% and is ranked as the 6th most dependable airlines in the world.

Ethiopian flies to more destinations in Africa than any other airline in the world and it is Africa’s dominant airline in Asia, flying to 21 cities in Asia including the Middle East and Gulf.

The most dependable airline in the ranking is Qatar Airways followed by Emirates and China Eastern. Singaopre Airlines is ranked 4th and China Southern Airlines 5th. You can see the complete list on CBC News

Ethiopian Airlines

Fleet size: 76

Number of destinations: 101+

On-time percentage: 71%

Average age of fleet: 7 years

Africa’s largest and most profitable airline has been in rapid expansion mode to capture the hot Africa-Asia market.

Ethiopia is building a massive airport to house the airline’s home base. The country is looking to shed its image of famine and poverty, and showcase its booming economy.

Ethiopian Airlines To Triple Passenger Numbers By 2025

March 30 2015 – Ethiopian Airlines, Africa’s largest carrier by revenue, is looking to triple passenger numbers to 18 million in the next 10 years. Ijeoma Ndukwe speaks with CEO Tewolde Gebremariam to find out how the company plans to achieve this. – See more at: http://www.bloombergtvafrica.com/video/ethiopian-airlines-triple-passenger-numbers-2025/#sthash.6Nd2hM8K.0OfquZyS.dpuf

Ethiopian Airlines Launches Mobile Payment with Commercial Bank of Ethiopia

Ethiopian Airlines, the largest in Africa, is pleased to announce the commencement of mobile payment for online ticket purchase in Ethiopia. The option was made possible with the cooperation of the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia (CBE) and Flocash, an integration system provider.
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Ethiopian has already implemented, since last year, the mobile payment option in some African markets enabling its online customers to book and pay with their local card. This service will now be available in Ethiopia with customers from Ethiopia able to book their trip, pay and receive payment confirmation with associated passenger record locater with a single connection.
Advantages of the new one-click service include saving time and money through various discount offers. The new Mobile payment option is user friendly. After selecting their flights at http://www.ethiopianairlines.com, passengers may choose the CBE Mobile at the payment page. To make payment, they will simply need to use their CBE enabled mobile app to authorize and confirm payment. Ethiopian ticket itinerary will be sent to the customer after a successful payment is made. The service is powered by FloCash – the leading payment provider in Africa.

 Chief Executive Officer of Ethiopian Airlines Group, Tewolde Gebremariam, said: “This Mobile payment service given in coordination with the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia heralds a new era of e-commerce and mobile payments in the country by allowing our customers to use local payment options for online ticket purchase. It is part of our grandiose plan called “Mobility”, which aims to use mobile digital channels for enhancing our customers’ experience. In November, we started Mobile SMS information system with access to real-time and personalized information regarding flight information and cargo. Now, we are taking it a step further by availing mobile payment option for on-line purchase in Ethiopia. As a customer service organization, we will continuously work hard to avail to our customers the best possible travel experience both on the ground and on-board.”


Currently, customers in countries like Kenya, Nigeria, Uganda, Ghana, Cameron, Brazil, and Ethiopia are able to complete their payment using local payment option online, and by the end of this year Senegal, Zambia and Rwanda will also be enabled.

Source: eturbonews.com